Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.

Expectation-based theories of language processing, such as Surprisal theory, are supported by evidence of anticipation effects in both behavioural and neurophysiological measures. Online measures of language processing, however, are known to be influenced by factors such as lexical association that...

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Autores principales:	Christoph Aurnhammer, Francesca Delogu, Miriam Schulz, Harm Brouwer, Matthew W Crocker
Formato:	article
Lenguaje:	EN
Publicado:	Public Library of Science (PLoS) 2021
Materias:	Medicine R Science Q
Acceso en línea:	https://doaj.org/article/2ffd7eb5500c477f8476de76a9e43844
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spelling	oai:doaj.org-article:2ffd7eb5500c477f8476de76a9e438442021-12-02T20:06:08ZRetrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.1932-620310.1371/journal.pone.0257430https://doaj.org/article/2ffd7eb5500c477f8476de76a9e438442021-01-01T00:00:00Zhttps://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0257430https://doaj.org/toc/1932-6203Expectation-based theories of language processing, such as Surprisal theory, are supported by evidence of anticipation effects in both behavioural and neurophysiological measures. Online measures of language processing, however, are known to be influenced by factors such as lexical association that are distinct from-but often confounded with-expectancy. An open question therefore is whether a specific locus of expectancy related effects can be established in neural and behavioral processing correlates. We address this question in an event-related potential experiment and a self-paced reading experiment that independently cross expectancy and lexical association in a context manipulation design. We find that event-related potentials reveal that the N400 is sensitive to both expectancy and lexical association, while the P600 is modulated only by expectancy. Reading times, in turn, reveal effects of both association and expectancy in the first spillover region, followed by effects of expectancy alone in the second spillover region. These findings are consistent with the Retrieval-Integration account of language comprehension, according to which lexical retrieval (N400) is facilitated for words that are both expected and associated, whereas integration difficulty (P600) will be greater for unexpected words alone. Further, an exploratory analysis suggests that the P600 is not merely sensitive to expectancy violations, but rather, that there is a continuous relation. Taken together, these results suggest that the P600, like reading times, may reflect a meaning-centric notion of Surprisal in language comprehension.Christoph AurnhammerFrancesca DeloguMiriam SchulzHarm BrouwerMatthew W CrockerPublic Library of Science (PLoS)articleMedicineRScienceQENPLoS ONE, Vol 16, Iss 9, p e0257430 (2021)
institution	DOAJ
collection	DOAJ
language	EN
topic	Medicine R Science Q
spellingShingle	Medicine R Science Q Christoph Aurnhammer Francesca Delogu Miriam Schulz Harm Brouwer Matthew W Crocker Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.
description	Expectation-based theories of language processing, such as Surprisal theory, are supported by evidence of anticipation effects in both behavioural and neurophysiological measures. Online measures of language processing, however, are known to be influenced by factors such as lexical association that are distinct from-but often confounded with-expectancy. An open question therefore is whether a specific locus of expectancy related effects can be established in neural and behavioral processing correlates. We address this question in an event-related potential experiment and a self-paced reading experiment that independently cross expectancy and lexical association in a context manipulation design. We find that event-related potentials reveal that the N400 is sensitive to both expectancy and lexical association, while the P600 is modulated only by expectancy. Reading times, in turn, reveal effects of both association and expectancy in the first spillover region, followed by effects of expectancy alone in the second spillover region. These findings are consistent with the Retrieval-Integration account of language comprehension, according to which lexical retrieval (N400) is facilitated for words that are both expected and associated, whereas integration difficulty (P600) will be greater for unexpected words alone. Further, an exploratory analysis suggests that the P600 is not merely sensitive to expectancy violations, but rather, that there is a continuous relation. Taken together, these results suggest that the P600, like reading times, may reflect a meaning-centric notion of Surprisal in language comprehension.
format	article
author	Christoph Aurnhammer Francesca Delogu Miriam Schulz Harm Brouwer Matthew W Crocker
author_facet	Christoph Aurnhammer Francesca Delogu Miriam Schulz Harm Brouwer Matthew W Crocker
author_sort	Christoph Aurnhammer
title	Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.
title_short	Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.
title_full	Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.
title_fullStr	Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.
title_full_unstemmed	Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.
title_sort	retrieval (n400) and integration (p600) in expectation-based comprehension.
publisher	Public Library of Science (PLoS)
publishDate	2021
url	https://doaj.org/article/2ffd7eb5500c477f8476de76a9e43844
work_keys_str_mv	AT christophaurnhammer retrievaln400andintegrationp600inexpectationbasedcomprehension AT francescadelogu retrievaln400andintegrationp600inexpectationbasedcomprehension AT miriamschulz retrievaln400andintegrationp600inexpectationbasedcomprehension AT harmbrouwer retrievaln400andintegrationp600inexpectationbasedcomprehension AT matthewwcrocker retrievaln400andintegrationp600inexpectationbasedcomprehension
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Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension.

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