Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa

Internal factors involving phonotactic asymmetries and irregular morphological alternations suggest that final */uu/ in Hausa historically lowered to /oo/ when the preceding syllable contained /aa/, e.g. *kwaacfoo 'frog' < *kwaacfuu. (Note: L tone is indicated by a grave accent, H tone...

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Autor principal: Paul Newman
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Publicado: LibraryPress@UF 1990
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spelling oai:doaj.org-article:3135c9e18fa446238b842abdde23ad032021-11-19T03:54:29ZInternal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa10.32473/sal.v21i2.1074360039-35332154-428Xhttps://doaj.org/article/3135c9e18fa446238b842abdde23ad031990-08-01T00:00:00Zhttps://journals.flvc.org/sal/article/view/107436https://doaj.org/toc/0039-3533https://doaj.org/toc/2154-428XInternal factors involving phonotactic asymmetries and irregular morphological alternations suggest that final */uu/ in Hausa historically lowered to /oo/ when the preceding syllable contained /aa/, e.g. *kwaacfoo 'frog' < *kwaacfuu. (Note: L tone is indicated by a grave accent, H tone is left unmarked. Long vowels are indicated by double letters.) The aim of this paper is to present evidence supporting this proposal and to suggest implications of the historical vowel change for one of Hausa's many plural formations, the ablaut plural. (For background studies on the history of vowels in Hausa and Chadic, see Barreteau [1987], Frajzyngier [1986], Newman [l979b], Parsons [1970], Schuh [1984], and Wolff [1983].)Paul NewmanLibraryPress@UFarticleHausamorphologydiachronypluralvowelsPhilology. LinguisticsP1-1091ENFRStudies in African Linguistics, Vol 21, Iss 2 (1990)
institution DOAJ
collection DOAJ
language EN
FR
topic Hausa
morphology
diachrony
plural
vowels
Philology. Linguistics
P1-1091
spellingShingle Hausa
morphology
diachrony
plural
vowels
Philology. Linguistics
P1-1091
Paul Newman
Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
description Internal factors involving phonotactic asymmetries and irregular morphological alternations suggest that final */uu/ in Hausa historically lowered to /oo/ when the preceding syllable contained /aa/, e.g. *kwaacfoo 'frog' < *kwaacfuu. (Note: L tone is indicated by a grave accent, H tone is left unmarked. Long vowels are indicated by double letters.) The aim of this paper is to present evidence supporting this proposal and to suggest implications of the historical vowel change for one of Hausa's many plural formations, the ablaut plural. (For background studies on the history of vowels in Hausa and Chadic, see Barreteau [1987], Frajzyngier [1986], Newman [l979b], Parsons [1970], Schuh [1984], and Wolff [1983].)
format article
author Paul Newman
author_facet Paul Newman
author_sort Paul Newman
title Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
title_short Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
title_full Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
title_fullStr Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
title_full_unstemmed Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
title_sort internal evidence for final vowel lowering in hausa
publisher LibraryPress@UF
publishDate 1990
url https://doaj.org/article/3135c9e18fa446238b842abdde23ad03
work_keys_str_mv AT paulnewman internalevidenceforfinalvowelloweringinhausa
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