Internal evidence for final vowel lowering in Hausa
Internal factors involving phonotactic asymmetries and irregular morphological alternations suggest that final */uu/ in Hausa historically lowered to /oo/ when the preceding syllable contained /aa/, e.g. *kwaacfoo 'frog' < *kwaacfuu. (Note: L tone is indicated by a grave accent, H tone...
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| Format: | article |
| Langue: | EN FR |
| Publié: |
LibraryPress@UF
1990
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| Accès en ligne: | https://doaj.org/article/3135c9e18fa446238b842abdde23ad03 |
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