The Management of Islamic Activism
In his first book, The Management of Islamic Activism, Quintan Wiktorowicz examines the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis through the lens of social movement theory. Unlike some political scientists who dismiss Islamic movements because of their informal networks, Wiktorowicz contends th...
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| Formato: | article |
| Lenguaje: | EN |
| Publicado: |
International Institute of Islamic Thought
2006
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| Acceso en línea: | https://doaj.org/article/37b0bb62b25749b6be0819f084b728d3 |
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| Sumario: | In his first book, The Management of Islamic Activism, Quintan Wiktorowicz
examines the Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis through
the lens of social movement theory. Unlike some political scientists who dismiss
Islamic movements because of their informal networks, Wiktorowicz
contends that social movement theory is an apt framework through which
Islamic movements can be examined and studied. In this regard, his work
leads the field. Yet for all its promise, this book largely fails to deliver.
The book is divided into four primary sections, through which he tries to
construct his conclusion: Jordanian political liberalization has occurred
because of structural necessities, not because of its commitment to democratization.
In addition, the state has been masterful in what he dubs the “management
of collective action,” (p. 3) which has, for all practical purposes, stifled
any real opposition. While his conclusion is certainly tenable, given his
extensive fieldwork, the book is poorly organized and much of the evidence
examined earlier in the work leaves many questions unanswered.
The first chapter focuses rather heavily on the advent of Jordanian charitable
NGOs and the state bureaucracy’s ability to effectively manipulate and control them. Although a key component of his argument is that the state
bureaucracy has hampered and controlled the functionality of Islamic
NGOs, he fails to explain what distinguishes Islamic NGOs from their counterparts.
He clarifies: “The activities at most Islamic NGOs in Jordan do not
differ substantially from those of secular and non-Islamic voluntary organizations”
(p. 85). If this is correct, then what differentiates Islamic NGOs
from non-Islamic NGOs? He explains: “What differentiates Islamic NGOs
from their secular counterparts is … the volunteers’ beliefs that they are promoting
Islam through their work. It is an insider belief in the mission, more
than the activities themselves, that distinguishes them” (p. 85) It is quite
remarkable that Wiktorowicz was privy to this “insider” belief. In a Muslim
nation such as Jordan, it is hard to imagine that Islam is not a motivating factor
in charitable work to some extent. The author argues that the state
bureaucracy hampers Islamic NGOs, but is this indeed the case, or does the
bureaucracy hamper all NGOs equally? This question remains unasked and
unanswered. He would have us believe that the state bureaucracy has taken
it upon itself to control Islamic NGOs, but does not thoroughly differentiate
them from the non-Islamic NGOs ...
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