Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism
Tristan James Mabry’s research investigates whether Muslim populations are exceptionally resistant to ethnonationalism, which he assumes to be more conducive to a liberal democratic form of government than any concept of community defined in terms of a shared religion. He concludes that Muslims are...
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International Institute of Islamic Thought
2017
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oai:doaj.org-article:78bb3bd7185c4edf83af41d8c9f900ad2021-12-02T17:46:22ZNationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism10.35632/ajis.v34i3.7892690-37332690-3741https://doaj.org/article/78bb3bd7185c4edf83af41d8c9f900ad2017-07-01T00:00:00Zhttps://www.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/789https://doaj.org/toc/2690-3733https://doaj.org/toc/2690-3741 Tristan James Mabry’s research investigates whether Muslim populations are exceptionally resistant to ethnonationalism, which he assumes to be more conducive to a liberal democratic form of government than any concept of community defined in terms of a shared religion. He concludes that Muslims are not immune to it, and that the determining factor in whether a Muslim community will organize itself according to ethnonationalism instead of Islamism – Mabry apparently considers these the only modes worth mentioning – is whether they develop a print culture in their local vernacular. Ultimately, the author concludes that nationalism founded upon ethnic solidarity is inherently superior to alternative sociopolitical models, and therefore advocates promoting local ethnonationalisms as a strategy to prevent Muslims from organizing themselves in terms of shared religious identity (p. 202) ... Brendan NewlonInternational Institute of Islamic ThoughtarticleIslamBP1-253ENAmerican Journal of Islam and Society, Vol 34, Iss 3 (2017) |
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Islam BP1-253 |
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Islam BP1-253 Brendan Newlon Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism |
description |
Tristan James Mabry’s research investigates whether Muslim populations
are exceptionally resistant to ethnonationalism, which he assumes to be more
conducive to a liberal democratic form of government than any concept of
community defined in terms of a shared religion. He concludes that Muslims
are not immune to it, and that the determining factor in whether a Muslim
community will organize itself according to ethnonationalism instead of Islamism
– Mabry apparently considers these the only modes worth mentioning
– is whether they develop a print culture in their local vernacular.
Ultimately, the author concludes that nationalism founded upon ethnic solidarity
is inherently superior to alternative sociopolitical models, and therefore
advocates promoting local ethnonationalisms as a strategy to prevent
Muslims from organizing themselves in terms of shared religious identity
(p. 202) ...
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format |
article |
author |
Brendan Newlon |
author_facet |
Brendan Newlon |
author_sort |
Brendan Newlon |
title |
Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism |
title_short |
Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism |
title_full |
Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism |
title_fullStr |
Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism |
title_full_unstemmed |
Nationalism, Language, and Muslim Exceptionalism |
title_sort |
nationalism, language, and muslim exceptionalism |
publisher |
International Institute of Islamic Thought |
publishDate |
2017 |
url |
https://doaj.org/article/78bb3bd7185c4edf83af41d8c9f900ad |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT brendannewlon nationalismlanguageandmuslimexceptionalism |
_version_ |
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