Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish

We will depart from the observation that Romance languages can be subdivided into two groups with respect to free relatives under question-embedding predicates (Kellert 2017). One group has grammaticalized the definite element (e.g. Pt.[1] o, Fl. i’ ‘the’) and que/che into one question pronoun (e.g...

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Autor principal: Olga Kellert
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Publicado: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2019
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Acceso en línea:https://doaj.org/article/95ae7d9f975f49e7860d9bb26d889332
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spelling oai:doaj.org-article:95ae7d9f975f49e7860d9bb26d8893322021-11-25T11:16:38ZQuestions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish2385-4138https://doaj.org/article/95ae7d9f975f49e7860d9bb26d8893322019-03-01T00:00:00Zhttps://revistes.uab.es/isogloss/isogloss/article/view/56https://doaj.org/toc/2385-4138 We will depart from the observation that Romance languages can be subdivided into two groups with respect to free relatives under question-embedding predicates (Kellert 2017). One group has grammaticalized the definite element (e.g. Pt.[1] o, Fl. i’ ‘the’) and que/che into one question pronoun (e.g. Pt. o que ‘what’ and Fl. icché ‘what’); the other group has not (e.g. Spanish and French). We will show that in one group free relatives that are embedded under question predicates resemble more complex nouns (as in Spanish and French), whereas in the other group they are clausal and have the structure of ordinary questions as in Portuguese and Florentine. We will look at the evolution of lo que sentences in Old Spanish and demonstrate that they were used as relative clauses under non-question predicates such as ser ‘be’ and factive predicates such as ‘know’ with much higher frequency than under genuine question predicates such as preguntar ‘to ask’. We will suggest that the interrogative interpretation of lo que- relative clauses has its source in the ambiguity of factive predicates. Factive predicates can select both DPs interpreted as definite descriptions and CPs interpreted as interrogatives. Lo que-relatives can thus be interpreted as definite descriptions and as interrogatives under factive predicates. As we will argue, this ambiguous interpretation was the precondition for the use of lo que-sentences to be used in non-ambiguous question contexts. However, the reanalysis of lo que-sentences as questions has not been fully accomplished in Modern Spanish in contrast to Modern Portuguese, as these sentences still show syntactic and semantic differences from ordinary questions. [1]          Fl. stands for Florentine, Sp. for Spanish, Pt. for Portuguese, and Fr. for French. Mo. for Modern and O. for Old and Mi. for Middle languages. Olga KellertUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelonaarticle(Old) Romancefree relativesconstituent questionsdefinite descriptionsgrammaticalizationreanalysisRomanic languagesPC1-5498Philology. LinguisticsP1-1091ENIsogloss, Vol 4, Iss 1 (2019)
institution DOAJ
collection DOAJ
language EN
topic (Old) Romance
free relatives
constituent questions
definite descriptions
grammaticalization
reanalysis
Romanic languages
PC1-5498
Philology. Linguistics
P1-1091
spellingShingle (Old) Romance
free relatives
constituent questions
definite descriptions
grammaticalization
reanalysis
Romanic languages
PC1-5498
Philology. Linguistics
P1-1091
Olga Kellert
Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish
description We will depart from the observation that Romance languages can be subdivided into two groups with respect to free relatives under question-embedding predicates (Kellert 2017). One group has grammaticalized the definite element (e.g. Pt.[1] o, Fl. i’ ‘the’) and que/che into one question pronoun (e.g. Pt. o que ‘what’ and Fl. icché ‘what’); the other group has not (e.g. Spanish and French). We will show that in one group free relatives that are embedded under question predicates resemble more complex nouns (as in Spanish and French), whereas in the other group they are clausal and have the structure of ordinary questions as in Portuguese and Florentine. We will look at the evolution of lo que sentences in Old Spanish and demonstrate that they were used as relative clauses under non-question predicates such as ser ‘be’ and factive predicates such as ‘know’ with much higher frequency than under genuine question predicates such as preguntar ‘to ask’. We will suggest that the interrogative interpretation of lo que- relative clauses has its source in the ambiguity of factive predicates. Factive predicates can select both DPs interpreted as definite descriptions and CPs interpreted as interrogatives. Lo que-relatives can thus be interpreted as definite descriptions and as interrogatives under factive predicates. As we will argue, this ambiguous interpretation was the precondition for the use of lo que-sentences to be used in non-ambiguous question contexts. However, the reanalysis of lo que-sentences as questions has not been fully accomplished in Modern Spanish in contrast to Modern Portuguese, as these sentences still show syntactic and semantic differences from ordinary questions. [1]          Fl. stands for Florentine, Sp. for Spanish, Pt. for Portuguese, and Fr. for French. Mo. for Modern and O. for Old and Mi. for Middle languages.
format article
author Olga Kellert
author_facet Olga Kellert
author_sort Olga Kellert
title Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish
title_short Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish
title_full Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish
title_fullStr Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish
title_full_unstemmed Questions with definite markers in (Old) Romance, with focus on Old Spanish
title_sort questions with definite markers in (old) romance, with focus on old spanish
publisher Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
publishDate 2019
url https://doaj.org/article/95ae7d9f975f49e7860d9bb26d889332
work_keys_str_mv AT olgakellert questionswithdefinitemarkersinoldromancewithfocusonoldspanish
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