Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission

This paper deals with the diachrony of complementizer omission (C-omission) in some Italian clauses. C-omission is restricted to clauses with [-realis] mood in Old as well as in Modern Italian, and to some types of declarative clauses in Modern Florentine (Cocchi & Poletto, 2005). This phenomen...

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Autor principal:	Irene Franco
Formato:	article
Lenguaje:	EN
Publicado:	Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2015
Materias:	Verb Second active vs. inactive distinction subject/object asymmetry complementizer phase-edge Old Romance Romanic languages PC1-5498 Philology. Linguistics P1-1091
Acceso en línea:	https://doaj.org/article/baef49d0e31742e1a6b668338ba7fae4
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spelling	oai:doaj.org-article:baef49d0e31742e1a6b668338ba7fae42021-12-01T12:14:17ZPhase-edge properties and complementizer omission10.5565/rev/isogloss.72385-4138https://doaj.org/article/baef49d0e31742e1a6b668338ba7fae42015-10-01T00:00:00Zhttps://revistes.uab.cat/isogloss/article/view/7https://doaj.org/toc/2385-4138 This paper deals with the diachrony of complementizer omission (C-omission) in some Italian clauses. C-omission is restricted to clauses with [-realis] mood in Old as well as in Modern Italian, and to some types of declarative clauses in Modern Florentine (Cocchi & Poletto, 2005). This phenomenon is instead much more pervasive in the Renaissance period (Wanner 1981, Scorretti 1991) and invests basically all types of subordinate clauses. The present study concentrates on C-omission in Renaissance Italian relative clauses, which is attested in both subject and non-subject extractions. There is a subject/non-subject asymmetry in the frequency of C-omission in relative clauses, which is claimed to result from the combination of an active vs. inactive distinction that characterizes both Old and Renaissance Italian, and the loss of V-to-C. The active vs. inactive distinction is attributed to the presence of a strong () feature on the low-phase head, v, in both Old and Renaissance Italian, while the loss of (*) in CP determines the loss of V-to-C in Renaissance Italian only. The argument is corroborated by further comparative facts from Old Occitan and Old French, as well as by a contrast with Old Portuguese and Old Spanish. Irene FrancoUniversitat Autònoma de BarcelonaarticleVerb Secondactive vs. inactive distinctionsubject/object asymmetrycomplementizerphase-edgeOld RomanceRomanic languagesPC1-5498Philology. LinguisticsP1-1091ENIsogloss, Vol 1, Iss 2 (2015)
institution	DOAJ
collection	DOAJ
language	EN
topic	Verb Second active vs. inactive distinction subject/object asymmetry complementizer phase-edge Old Romance Romanic languages PC1-5498 Philology. Linguistics P1-1091
spellingShingle	Verb Second active vs. inactive distinction subject/object asymmetry complementizer phase-edge Old Romance Romanic languages PC1-5498 Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 Irene Franco Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
description	This paper deals with the diachrony of complementizer omission (C-omission) in some Italian clauses. C-omission is restricted to clauses with [-realis] mood in Old as well as in Modern Italian, and to some types of declarative clauses in Modern Florentine (Cocchi & Poletto, 2005). This phenomenon is instead much more pervasive in the Renaissance period (Wanner 1981, Scorretti 1991) and invests basically all types of subordinate clauses. The present study concentrates on C-omission in Renaissance Italian relative clauses, which is attested in both subject and non-subject extractions. There is a subject/non-subject asymmetry in the frequency of C-omission in relative clauses, which is claimed to result from the combination of an active vs. inactive distinction that characterizes both Old and Renaissance Italian, and the loss of V-to-C. The active vs. inactive distinction is attributed to the presence of a strong () feature on the low-phase head, v, in both Old and Renaissance Italian, while the loss of (*) in CP determines the loss of V-to-C in Renaissance Italian only. The argument is corroborated by further comparative facts from Old Occitan and Old French, as well as by a contrast with Old Portuguese and Old Spanish.
format	article
author	Irene Franco
author_facet	Irene Franco
author_sort	Irene Franco
title	Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
title_short	Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
title_full	Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
title_fullStr	Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
title_full_unstemmed	Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
title_sort	phase-edge properties and complementizer omission
publisher	Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
publishDate	2015
url	https://doaj.org/article/baef49d0e31742e1a6b668338ba7fae4
work_keys_str_mv	AT irenefranco phaseedgepropertiesandcomplementizeromission
_version_	1718405196888932352

Phase-edge properties and complementizer omission

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