Wh-questions in Kitharaka
This paper explores question formation in Kitharaka (E54; Bantu; Kenyan) within the crosslinguistic approach developed in Sabel (2000, 2002, 2003). According to Sabel, variation in the positioning of wh-phrases in languages can be explained if it is assumed that wh-movement is universally triggered...
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LibraryPress@UF
2005
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oai:doaj.org-article:c0c8fd2127e54c8895270eb7d840cfc42021-11-19T03:53:12ZWh-questions in Kitharaka10.32473/sal.v34i1.1073320039-35332154-428Xhttps://doaj.org/article/c0c8fd2127e54c8895270eb7d840cfc42005-06-01T00:00:00Zhttps://journals.flvc.org/sal/article/view/107332https://doaj.org/toc/0039-3533https://doaj.org/toc/2154-428XThis paper explores question formation in Kitharaka (E54; Bantu; Kenyan) within the crosslinguistic approach developed in Sabel (2000, 2002, 2003). According to Sabel, variation in the positioning of wh-phrases in languages can be explained if it is assumed that wh-movement is universally triggered by [+wh] and [+focus] features, both of which are [+interpretable] and can be specified as [±strong]. For Kitharaka, I argue that wh-movement is triggered by a strong [+focus] feature in a functional head (Foc). The strong [+focus] feature on a focus head is morphologically manifested by a focus marker which attaches to a fronted wh-phrase, and in case of long wh-movement, by the focus markers that may appear on embedded clauses crossed by overt wh-movement. Wh-in situ occurs when no strong [+focus] features are introduced in the syntax (Muriungi 2003,2004).Peter Kinyua MuriungiLibraryPress@UFarticleKitharakaquestionsfocuswh-movementPhilology. LinguisticsP1-1091ENFRStudies in African Linguistics, Vol 34, Iss 1 (2005) |
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Kitharaka questions focus wh-movement Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 |
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Kitharaka questions focus wh-movement Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 Peter Kinyua Muriungi Wh-questions in Kitharaka |
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This paper explores question formation in Kitharaka (E54; Bantu; Kenyan) within the crosslinguistic approach developed in Sabel (2000, 2002, 2003). According to Sabel, variation in the positioning of wh-phrases in languages can be explained if it is assumed that wh-movement is universally triggered by [+wh] and [+focus] features, both of which are [+interpretable] and can be specified as [±strong]. For Kitharaka, I argue that wh-movement is triggered by a strong [+focus] feature in a functional head (Foc). The strong [+focus] feature on a focus head is morphologically manifested by a focus marker which attaches to a fronted wh-phrase, and in case of long wh-movement, by the focus markers that may appear on embedded clauses crossed by overt wh-movement. Wh-in situ occurs when no strong [+focus] features are introduced in the syntax (Muriungi 2003,2004). |
format |
article |
author |
Peter Kinyua Muriungi |
author_facet |
Peter Kinyua Muriungi |
author_sort |
Peter Kinyua Muriungi |
title |
Wh-questions in Kitharaka |
title_short |
Wh-questions in Kitharaka |
title_full |
Wh-questions in Kitharaka |
title_fullStr |
Wh-questions in Kitharaka |
title_full_unstemmed |
Wh-questions in Kitharaka |
title_sort |
wh-questions in kitharaka |
publisher |
LibraryPress@UF |
publishDate |
2005 |
url |
https://doaj.org/article/c0c8fd2127e54c8895270eb7d840cfc4 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT peterkinyuamuriungi whquestionsinkitharaka |
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1718420573971808256 |