Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life
While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged by its index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includes a paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa H...
Guardado en:
| Autor principal: | |
|---|---|
| Formato: | article |
| Lenguaje: | EN |
| Publicado: |
International Institute of Islamic Thought
2004
|
| Materias: | |
| Acceso en línea: | https://doaj.org/article/d539efbf120848c694c470db88513f07 |
| Etiquetas: |
Agregar Etiqueta
Sin Etiquetas, Sea el primero en etiquetar este registro!
|
| Sumario: | While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus
and Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged by
its index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includes
a paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) and
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), two Hindu nationalist organizations that
play a central role in such riots. He also fails to mention the Bajrang Dal,
the militant Hindu organization responsible for many of the attacks during
the violence in Gujarat in 2002. This seems to summarize the problem
with his book: It is intriguing yet incomplete.
The reason for this omission becomes clear from his central thesis:
Riots seldom occur where integrated networks of civic engagement exist;
riots are a common feature where interdependency is absent. Varshney, a
professor of political science at the University of Michigan, surveys six
cities in India: three riot-prone (Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Aligarh) and
three riot-free (Lucknow, Calicut, Surat).
His focus on India’s urban centers is not without reason. Only 4% of
communal violence-related deaths have occurred in rural areas, where
67% of the Indian population lives. Eight cities (whose total population
is only 5% of the country’s total population) account for 45% of deaths in
communal violence. Varshney seems overly eager to correct the notion
that Hindu-Muslim violence is a pan-Indian experience.
His book highlights some important divisions that contribute to interreligious
discord. In chapter 5, for example, he notes that Aligarh Muslim
University (AMU), once an educational center for both Muslims and
Hindus, is now largely a university exclusively attended by Muslims.
Such divisions at the higher academic levels lead to inevitable cleavages
in society. Varshney concludes that “local patterns of violence underline
how important associational ties across communities are for peace in
multi-ethnic societies” (p. 11).
It is tempting to agree with Varshney. His book suggests the basic
premise that if Muslims and Hindus work together, they will not resort to
communal violence. One can understand why his ideas have gained support
from government officials, apologetic Indian scholars, and ...
|
|---|