Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life
While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged by its index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includes a paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa H...
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International Institute of Islamic Thought
2004
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oai:doaj.org-article:d539efbf120848c694c470db88513f072021-12-02T19:22:39ZEthnic Conflict and Civic Life10.35632/ajis.v21i1.18222690-37332690-3741https://doaj.org/article/d539efbf120848c694c470db88513f072004-01-01T00:00:00Zhttps://www.ajis.org/index.php/ajiss/article/view/1822https://doaj.org/toc/2690-3733https://doaj.org/toc/2690-3741 While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus and Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged by its index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includes a paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), two Hindu nationalist organizations that play a central role in such riots. He also fails to mention the Bajrang Dal, the militant Hindu organization responsible for many of the attacks during the violence in Gujarat in 2002. This seems to summarize the problem with his book: It is intriguing yet incomplete. The reason for this omission becomes clear from his central thesis: Riots seldom occur where integrated networks of civic engagement exist; riots are a common feature where interdependency is absent. Varshney, a professor of political science at the University of Michigan, surveys six cities in India: three riot-prone (Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Aligarh) and three riot-free (Lucknow, Calicut, Surat). His focus on India’s urban centers is not without reason. Only 4% of communal violence-related deaths have occurred in rural areas, where 67% of the Indian population lives. Eight cities (whose total population is only 5% of the country’s total population) account for 45% of deaths in communal violence. Varshney seems overly eager to correct the notion that Hindu-Muslim violence is a pan-Indian experience. His book highlights some important divisions that contribute to interreligious discord. In chapter 5, for example, he notes that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), once an educational center for both Muslims and Hindus, is now largely a university exclusively attended by Muslims. Such divisions at the higher academic levels lead to inevitable cleavages in society. Varshney concludes that “local patterns of violence underline how important associational ties across communities are for peace in multi-ethnic societies” (p. 11). It is tempting to agree with Varshney. His book suggests the basic premise that if Muslims and Hindus work together, they will not resort to communal violence. One can understand why his ideas have gained support from government officials, apologetic Indian scholars, and ... Zahir JanmohamedInternational Institute of Islamic ThoughtarticleIslamBP1-253ENAmerican Journal of Islam and Society, Vol 21, Iss 1 (2004) |
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Islam BP1-253 Zahir Janmohamed Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life |
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While Ashutosh Varshney’s book, Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life: Hindus
and Muslims in India, cannot be judged by its cover, it can be judged by
its index. His exhaustive and erudite study of riots in India only includes
a paltry three references to the Rashtriya Swayemsevak Sangh (RSS) and
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), two Hindu nationalist organizations that
play a central role in such riots. He also fails to mention the Bajrang Dal,
the militant Hindu organization responsible for many of the attacks during
the violence in Gujarat in 2002. This seems to summarize the problem
with his book: It is intriguing yet incomplete.
The reason for this omission becomes clear from his central thesis:
Riots seldom occur where integrated networks of civic engagement exist;
riots are a common feature where interdependency is absent. Varshney, a
professor of political science at the University of Michigan, surveys six
cities in India: three riot-prone (Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Aligarh) and
three riot-free (Lucknow, Calicut, Surat).
His focus on India’s urban centers is not without reason. Only 4% of
communal violence-related deaths have occurred in rural areas, where
67% of the Indian population lives. Eight cities (whose total population
is only 5% of the country’s total population) account for 45% of deaths in
communal violence. Varshney seems overly eager to correct the notion
that Hindu-Muslim violence is a pan-Indian experience.
His book highlights some important divisions that contribute to interreligious
discord. In chapter 5, for example, he notes that Aligarh Muslim
University (AMU), once an educational center for both Muslims and
Hindus, is now largely a university exclusively attended by Muslims.
Such divisions at the higher academic levels lead to inevitable cleavages
in society. Varshney concludes that “local patterns of violence underline
how important associational ties across communities are for peace in
multi-ethnic societies” (p. 11).
It is tempting to agree with Varshney. His book suggests the basic
premise that if Muslims and Hindus work together, they will not resort to
communal violence. One can understand why his ideas have gained support
from government officials, apologetic Indian scholars, and ...
|
| format |
article |
| author |
Zahir Janmohamed |
| author_facet |
Zahir Janmohamed |
| author_sort |
Zahir Janmohamed |
| title |
Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life |
| title_short |
Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life |
| title_full |
Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life |
| title_fullStr |
Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Ethnic Conflict and Civic Life |
| title_sort |
ethnic conflict and civic life |
| publisher |
International Institute of Islamic Thought |
| publishDate |
2004 |
| url |
https://doaj.org/article/d539efbf120848c694c470db88513f07 |
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