Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni

In this paper I argue that the Nguni languages have both a metrical tone shift rule and a non-metrical (local) tone shift rule which precedes and feeds assignment of metrical prominence (accent). As Goldsmith, Peterson, and Drogo [1986] and Peterson [1989b] have argued, a metrical tone shift rule be...

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Autor principal:	Laura J. Downing
Formato:	article
Lenguaje:	EN FR
Publicado:	LibraryPress@UF 1990
Materias:	Nguni tone shift tone Philology. Linguistics P1-1091
Acceso en línea:	https://doaj.org/article/e1584e75c91b43fd91aa083f1dbf925e
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id	oai:doaj.org-article:e1584e75c91b43fd91aa083f1dbf925e
record_format	dspace
spelling	oai:doaj.org-article:e1584e75c91b43fd91aa083f1dbf925e2021-11-19T03:54:25ZLocal and metrical tone shift in Nguni10.32473/sal.v21i3.1074310039-35332154-428Xhttps://doaj.org/article/e1584e75c91b43fd91aa083f1dbf925e1990-12-01T00:00:00Zhttps://journals.flvc.org/sal/article/view/107431https://doaj.org/toc/0039-3533https://doaj.org/toc/2154-428XIn this paper I argue that the Nguni languages have both a metrical tone shift rule and a non-metrical (local) tone shift rule which precedes and feeds assignment of metrical prominence (accent). As Goldsmith, Peterson, and Drogo [1986] and Peterson [1989b] have argued, a metrical tone shift rule best accounts for the fact that the rightmost high tone in most words surfaces on the antepenult. Not all high tones shift to the antepenult, however; instead, they shift one syllable to the right. Earlier metrical analyses accounted for (some) of these cases by proposing rules of accent shift. The present analysis accounts for all these cases by a local tone shift rule ordered before accent assignment. This approach not only is more general and more natural than the accent shift analyses, but it also straightforwardly accounts for a number of tonal phenomena which were inadequately treated in earlier analyses.Laura J. DowningLibraryPress@UFarticleNgunitone shifttonePhilology. LinguisticsP1-1091ENFRStudies in African Linguistics, Vol 21, Iss 3 (1990)
institution	DOAJ
collection	DOAJ
language	EN FR
topic	Nguni tone shift tone Philology. Linguistics P1-1091
spellingShingle	Nguni tone shift tone Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 Laura J. Downing Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni
description	In this paper I argue that the Nguni languages have both a metrical tone shift rule and a non-metrical (local) tone shift rule which precedes and feeds assignment of metrical prominence (accent). As Goldsmith, Peterson, and Drogo [1986] and Peterson [1989b] have argued, a metrical tone shift rule best accounts for the fact that the rightmost high tone in most words surfaces on the antepenult. Not all high tones shift to the antepenult, however; instead, they shift one syllable to the right. Earlier metrical analyses accounted for (some) of these cases by proposing rules of accent shift. The present analysis accounts for all these cases by a local tone shift rule ordered before accent assignment. This approach not only is more general and more natural than the accent shift analyses, but it also straightforwardly accounts for a number of tonal phenomena which were inadequately treated in earlier analyses.
format	article
author	Laura J. Downing
author_facet	Laura J. Downing
author_sort	Laura J. Downing
title	Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni
title_short	Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni
title_full	Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni
title_fullStr	Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni
title_full_unstemmed	Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni
title_sort	local and metrical tone shift in nguni
publisher	LibraryPress@UF
publishDate	1990
url	https://doaj.org/article/e1584e75c91b43fd91aa083f1dbf925e
work_keys_str_mv	AT laurajdowning localandmetricaltoneshiftinnguni
_version_	1718420580803280896

Local and metrical tone shift in Nguni

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