Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress
Metrical theory recognizes differences between primary and non-primary stresses, sometimes within the same language. In serial theories, this has often led to a parametric approach in derivation: some languages are ‘top-down’, with the primary stress assigned first, while other languages are ‘bottom...
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Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
2019
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oai:doaj.org-article:e27f89aa34514639a8b2f5a2d84bb6192021-11-27T10:46:38ZRevisiting Top-Down Primary Stress10.5565/rev/catjl.2621695-68852014-9719https://doaj.org/article/e27f89aa34514639a8b2f5a2d84bb6192019-12-01T00:00:00Zhttps://revistes.uab.cat/catJL/article/view/262https://doaj.org/toc/1695-6885https://doaj.org/toc/2014-9719Metrical theory recognizes differences between primary and non-primary stresses, sometimes within the same language. In serial theories, this has often led to a parametric approach in derivation: some languages are ‘top-down’, with the primary stress assigned first, while other languages are ‘bottom-up’, where foot construction precedes primary stress placement. This paper examines two languages (Cahuilla and Yine) that have be treated as ‘top-down’ in rulebased metrical theory, and it shows that neither requires a top-down analysis in Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Optimality Theory. On the basis of these case studies it is argued that the common, intuitive notion of what makes a language ‘top-down’—a primary stress’s independence from non-primary stresses—is oversimplified. The case studies reveal the importance of theoretical framework and typological predictions in establishing the order of primary and non-primary stress assignment. The argument culminates in a concise statement of Harmonic Serialism-specific criteria for establishing that a top-down derivation is required.Kathryn PruittUniversitat Autònoma de Barcelonaarticleprimary stressHarmonic Serialismmetrical theorytop-downbottom-upPhilology. LinguisticsP1-1091CAENCatalan Journal of Linguistics, Vol 18 (2019) |
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primary stress Harmonic Serialism metrical theory top-down bottom-up Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 |
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primary stress Harmonic Serialism metrical theory top-down bottom-up Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 Kathryn Pruitt Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress |
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Metrical theory recognizes differences between primary and non-primary stresses, sometimes within the same language. In serial theories, this has often led to a parametric approach in derivation: some languages are ‘top-down’, with the primary stress assigned first, while other languages are ‘bottom-up’, where foot construction precedes primary stress placement. This paper examines two languages (Cahuilla and Yine) that have be treated as ‘top-down’ in rulebased metrical theory, and it shows that neither requires a top-down analysis in Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Optimality Theory. On the basis of these case studies it is argued that the common, intuitive notion of what makes a language ‘top-down’—a primary stress’s independence from non-primary stresses—is oversimplified. The case studies reveal the importance of theoretical framework and typological predictions in establishing the order of primary and non-primary stress assignment. The argument culminates in a concise statement of Harmonic Serialism-specific criteria for establishing that a top-down derivation is required. |
format |
article |
author |
Kathryn Pruitt |
author_facet |
Kathryn Pruitt |
author_sort |
Kathryn Pruitt |
title |
Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress |
title_short |
Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress |
title_full |
Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress |
title_fullStr |
Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress |
title_full_unstemmed |
Revisiting Top-Down Primary Stress |
title_sort |
revisiting top-down primary stress |
publisher |
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona |
publishDate |
2019 |
url |
https://doaj.org/article/e27f89aa34514639a8b2f5a2d84bb619 |
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AT kathrynpruitt revisitingtopdownprimarystress |
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