Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba
This paper examines three M-toned and three H-toned elements in Yoruba. On the one hand are the mid-toned mora (MT/-l), the mid-toned ni and the mid-toned ti. On the other hand are the H-toned mora (HT/-l), the H-toned nl and the H-toned 6. I propose that the parallels between these elements are syn...
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LibraryPress@UF
2007
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oai:doaj.org-article:e37c5503834d4160a963a97d2cf6cf982021-11-19T03:52:52ZMid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba10.32473/sal.v36i2.1073010039-35332154-428Xhttps://doaj.org/article/e37c5503834d4160a963a97d2cf6cf982007-06-01T00:00:00Zhttps://journals.flvc.org/sal/article/view/107301https://doaj.org/toc/0039-3533https://doaj.org/toc/2154-428XThis paper examines three M-toned and three H-toned elements in Yoruba. On the one hand are the mid-toned mora (MT/-l), the mid-toned ni and the mid-toned ti. On the other hand are the H-toned mora (HT/-l), the H-toned nl and the H-toned 6. I propose that the parallels between these elements are syntactically and semantically conditioned. Every occurrence of a M-toned element shows agreement in the nominal domain whereas every occurrence of a H-toned element shows agreement in the verbal or extended verbal domain. I show that the pairs converge in their semantic role as case assigners. In particular, I claim that genitive Case assignment is carried out by the MT/-l or ti. I treat this as an instance of Case alternation. I further propose that when the two jointly assign genitive Case to the possessor, this is an instance of Case stacking.Oladiipo AjiboyeLibraryPress@UFarticleYorubatonegenitive caseagreementPhilology. LinguisticsP1-1091ENFRStudies in African Linguistics, Vol 36, Iss 2 (2007) |
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Yoruba tone genitive case agreement Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 |
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Yoruba tone genitive case agreement Philology. Linguistics P1-1091 Oladiipo Ajiboye Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba |
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This paper examines three M-toned and three H-toned elements in Yoruba. On the one hand are the mid-toned mora (MT/-l), the mid-toned ni and the mid-toned ti. On the other hand are the H-toned mora (HT/-l), the H-toned nl and the H-toned 6. I propose that the parallels between these elements are syntactically and semantically conditioned. Every occurrence of a M-toned element shows agreement in the nominal domain whereas every occurrence of a H-toned element shows agreement in the verbal or extended verbal domain. I show that the pairs converge in their semantic role as case assigners. In particular, I claim that genitive Case assignment is carried out by the MT/-l or ti. I treat this as an instance of Case alternation. I further propose that when the two jointly assign genitive Case to the possessor, this is an instance of Case stacking. |
format |
article |
author |
Oladiipo Ajiboye |
author_facet |
Oladiipo Ajiboye |
author_sort |
Oladiipo Ajiboye |
title |
Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba |
title_short |
Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba |
title_full |
Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba |
title_fullStr |
Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba |
title_full_unstemmed |
Mid-toned and high-toned elements in Yoruba |
title_sort |
mid-toned and high-toned elements in yoruba |
publisher |
LibraryPress@UF |
publishDate |
2007 |
url |
https://doaj.org/article/e37c5503834d4160a963a97d2cf6cf98 |
work_keys_str_mv |
AT oladiipoajiboye midtonedandhightonedelementsinyoruba |
_version_ |
1718420581592858624 |