Syntactic structure of Spanish parasynthesis: towards a split little-v via affectedness
In this paper, I claim that the syntactic structure of Spanish parasynthetic verbs a-…-ar (e.g. a-bland-ar ‘to soften’) and en-…-ar (en-dulz-ar ‘to sweeten’) provides (further) evidence for a decomposed vP structure. I propose that these verbs are represented with a structure where v.Caus and verbal...
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| Formato: | article |
| Lenguaje: | EN |
| Publicado: |
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
2016
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| Acceso en línea: | https://doaj.org/article/ecdf619bc17945a69b050446533733f0 |
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| Sumario: | In this paper, I claim that the syntactic structure of Spanish parasynthetic verbs a-…-ar (e.g. a-bland-ar ‘to soften’) and en-…-ar (en-dulz-ar ‘to sweeten’) provides (further) evidence for a decomposed vP structure. I propose that these verbs are represented with a structure where v.Caus and verbalizer-v are distinct. In particular, I analyze transitive a-/en-…-ar verbs as complex predicates with a v.Caus-headed vP and a Small Clause (SC) that denotes change of state/location for the theme. These verbs differ in the properties of a projection (XP), located between vP and SC, whose head expresses how specific the result state/location for the internal argument is: a-...-ar specifies a (particular) result state/location for the internal argument whereas en-...-ar remains underspecified with regard to a (particular) result state/location. |
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